Atlantic Task Force recommendations to the Policy Planning Staff of the German Federal Foreign Office
26 August 2009
Final Report
Prepared by the Atlantic Initiative, Berlin
Authors: Jan-Friedrich Kallmorgen, Aaron Best, Alexander Ochs
Please find the full report [here].
Half a year before the U.N. climate conference in Copenhagen, negotiators are far from agreeing on key components of a global climate deal. As envisioned in the 2007 Bali Climate Action Plan (or “Bali Roadmap”), the summit in December is supposed to deliver a follow-up agreement to the Kyoto Protocol under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which expires at the end of 2012.
Ever since Bali, however, progress in the negotiations has been slow. Only recently have the delegations entered full negotiation mode—which is necessary right now, the most pivotal year since the 1992 UNFCCC. From June 1 to 12, more than 4,600 participants—including government delegates from 183 countries as well as business, industry, environmental organizations and research institutions—met in Bonn, Germany, to discuss key negotiating texts that will serve as the basis for an agreed Copenhagen outcome. The gathering in Germany was the second in a series of five major U.N. negotiating sessions this year leading up to the Copenhagen summit in December (…).
Please find the full article in Grist Magazine here.
Über 80 Teilnehmende folgten der Einladung des NABU und der Heinrich Böll Stiftung, um mit amerikanischen und deutschen Experten zentrale Beiträge dies- und jenseits des Atlantiks zur Bewältigung der globalen Klimakrise zu diskutieren. Im Mittelpunkt des Interesses standen dabei aktuelle Einschätzungen zum Stand der Verhandlungen über ein neues Weltklimaabkommen, über das sich die internationale Staatengemeinschaft bis Ende dieses Jahres in Kopenhagen verständigen will.
Alexander Ochs, Leiter der Abteilung für Internationale Klimapolitik beim amerikanischen Center for Clean Air Policy in Washington, betonte die zentrale Bedeutung der neuen Energie- und Klimagesetzgebung, der so genannten Waxman-Markey Bill, die zur Zeit im Kongress und im Herbst im Senat debattiert und hoffentlich auch so verabschiedet werde. Seit 1990 seien die Treibhausgas-Emissionen in den USA um etwa 16 Prozent angestiegen. Wenn diese nun im Zeitraum von nur 8 Jahren (2012-2020) um 20 Prozent reduziert werden sollen, sei das eine sehr bemerkenswerte Herausforderung und durchaus mit dem von der EU beschlossenen Klimapaket vergleichbar, auch wenn dabei die absolute Senkung des Ausstoßes gegenüber 1990 nur 4 Prozent betrage. Daneben sei die amerikanische Klimadebatte bisher (zu) sehr auf China fixiert, weil Nachteile für die US-Wirtschaft im internationalen Wettbewerb befürchtet werden. Hier müsse viel stärker anerkannt werden, dass China bereits ohne Verpflichtungen unter dem Kyoto-Protokoll eine sehr ehrgeizige Politik zur Steigerung der Energieeffizienz und dem Ausbau der Erneuerbaren Energien umsetzt. Sein Institut unterstütze darüber hinaus die Entwicklung von sektoralen Ansätzen, um zusätzliche Anreize zur Emissionsminderung in den energieintensiven Industrien zu geben.
Podiumsgäste waren:
On 8 June 2009 at the UNFCCC negotiations in Bonn, my friend Heleen de Connick asked me to jump in for another colleague as respondent on an ECN panel on “Confluence or convolution of mechanisms, technology and finance: how can streams meet in
– CDM projects in developing countries and Annex I action alone will not be enough to halve global emissions by 2050 and reach a global peak of emissions before 2020 – both important thresholds to keep a worldwide temperature increase below 2 degrees Celsius, as science suggests
– sectoral approaches in rapidly developing countries are an innovative step forward fitting into the concept of low-carbon development strategies including three types of Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs): unilateral action, conditional action and participation in the carbon market (crediting)
– CDMs should not be abandonned but continue to play a role in sectors not covered by sectoral approaches and in least developing countries
– the CDM can be improved; one particularly valuable suggestion is to go from project-based approval to a positive list of actions (or programmatic CDM) in order to speed up the process and make it more transparent
You can find an On-Demand webcast of the side event here.
US Special Envoy for Climate Change Todd Stern just spoke at the Center for American Progress on “China and the Global Climate Challenge”. The most important news first: Stern (with Holdren, Sandalow, and others from Treasury, EPA etc.) will leave for Beijing this Saturday in order to continue talks on forging a US-CHN climate and energy partnership. started by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton earlier this year.
On April 24, 2009 at Hotel Jalta in Prague, Czech Republic,
Paying special attention to recent legislative developments in the
On April 3, 2009 I joined Nigel Purvis, the former U.S. deputy assistant secretary of state for oceans, environment and science and current President of Climate Advisers, at and American Law Institute and American Bar Association conference on “Climate and the Law” in Washington DC . In my presentation on “International Climate Negotiations: The Road to Copenhagen and beyond”, I outlined key elements of a global climate deal and a roadmap for what results have to be reached by the UN conference in Copenhagen in December, and what details of the global climate deal could be negotiated in 2010 and 2011.
In particular, I discussed potential avenues for solution regarding four most contentious issues: Contractual matters (most importantly, the question of whether agreement should take the form of a new protocol or an amendment to the Framework Convention), criteria and outlook for reaching comparable action amongst industrialized countries, the ambition of developing countries’ NAMAs versus the level of funding from industrialized countries, as well as the subject of the future financing architecture and governance.
[Please check back; presentation will be online soon]
By Mathew Carr, March 19 2009 (Bloomberg) — Mexico will likely propose emissions-trading programs for its oil and electricity industries when it completes a climate-protection plan next month, the Washington-based Center for Clean Air Policy said.
Emissions trading may start in Mexico in 2011 and expand to cement and metals, Alexander Ochs, director of international policy at the center, said yesterday on the sidelines of the Carbon Market Insights conference in Copenhagen.
“They have committed political leadership that understands emerging countries have to make a contribution to a global climate pact,” Ochs said. “They want to demonstrate they are progressive.” The center, an emissions-trading think tank, is advising Mexico and China in their climate plans, he said. Full article: Bloomberg_Mex
On March 25, at a workshop in Santiago, Chile, I presented our research teams’ results on Mexico and Brazil as part of CCAP’s Developing Country Project. We held the workshop at the headquarters of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the
• Nationally appropriate mitigation actions, a key feature of the Bali Roadmap;
• Analysis of GHG mitigation options in Brazil’s forestry sector;
• The GHG and other implications of expanding the production of biofuels, both ethanol and biodiesel, in Brazil; and
• Lessons learned from a first attempt to propose sectoral goals for GHG emissions in Mexico’s cement and oil refining industries.The participants expressed a strong interest in seeing this work continue and for the project to expand into other countries, such as
Please find my introduction here: ochs-chiledfidworkshopintro_090325.pdf
and my presentation on NAMAs and the Global Deal on Climate Change here: ochs-chilenamatheglobaldealoncc_090525.pdf
Presentation given at ECLAC, Santiago, Chile on March 25, 2009
INTRODUCTION TO WORKSHOP
– Center for Clean Air Policy (CCAP)
– Assisting Developing Country Climate Negotiators through Analysis & Dialogue
– Workshop overview: GHG Mitigation Opportunities in Brazil and Mexico
NAMAS AND THE GLOBAL DEAL ON CLIMATE CHANGE
– Overarching goals and status quo
– Emissions
– Overview of International Climate Negotiations
– Developing countries are already doing more than many believe
– International Policy Context
– NAMA Requirements
– How financing could work
– Technology Finance
– Technology Finance Assistance to Encourage Stronger Actions
– Sources for Technology Finance
– China
– Mexico
– South Africa & South Korea
– Chile
– Brazil
– Sectoral Approach
– NAMAs and Sectoral
– Conclusions
Source: CCAP newsletter
At the 2nd Annual Carbon Markets North America Conference in Miami from Jan. 15-16, CCAP International Policy Director
from Germany.info, Jan 9, 2009
When Frank Loy, former Under Secretary of State for Global Affairs and climate advisor to Barack Obama during the presidential campaign, was asked to address the question of how the United States can contribute to international climate policy negotiations, he chose to quote Al Gore. “Nature doesn’t do bail outs….we have to do the bail out,” he said, explaining the reality of what’s needed to fight climate change. Loy was speaking at a dinner discussion held at the German Embassy in Washington DC on Thursday, January 8. The event was part of a two day “EU and US Dialogue on Climate Change” organized by the Center for Clean Air Policy (CCAP). It gave delegates the chance to share new ideas on policy approaches and aimed to increase the exchange between policymakers in the EU and US. Frank Loy’s audience was an international group of climate experts. They know how challenging it will be to achieve an international climate agreement. They also know that, despite the global excitement and expectations of President-elect Obama’s presidency, there are limits to what one leader can accomplish. (…)
Alexander Ochs, Director of International Policy at the Center for Clean Air Policy, says that what is achieved in the next 10 months may prove to be crucial for the climate in decades to come. “With an ambitious incoming US administration and the EU’s urgent need for a strong partner in its leadership efforts, one can’t overestimate the importance of transatlantic communication and cooperation. So stakeholder meetings like this US-EU dialogue create crucial stepping stones towards this goal.” Full text
Here is a blurb from the CCAP Newsletter on the German -US climate summit which I organized for AICGS and CCAP.
On Nov. 17, CCAP joined forces with the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies (AICGS) as hosts of a German-U.S. climate policy dialogue. The event brought a distinguished delegation to
Lange Zeit schien es so, als würde John McCains Schachzug aufgehen. Die bis dahin auf Bundesebene weithin unbekannte Sarah Palin hatte dem republikanischen Präsidentschaftskandidaten zwischenzeitig ein derartiges Zwischenhoch eingebracht, dass dieser dem Umfrageinstitut Gallup zufolge Mitte September erstmals seit Beginn des Wahlkampfs vor seinem demokratischen Herausforderer Barack Obama lag. Fast ein Drittel der Befragten hatte damals ausgesagt, dass sie wegen Palin eher für McCain stimmen würden. Palin ist eine gute Rednerin. Ihr Augenzwinkern und ihr Sekretärinnen-Outfit haben für manchen Zuschauer Sexappeal. Ihre privaten Herausforderungen (ihr eigenes fünftes Kind kam mit dem Down-Syndrom zur Welt, ihre minderjährige Tochter ist gerade unverheiratet schwanger) bieten der Boulevardpresse den Stoff, den viele Amerikaner ernster politischer Berichterstattung vorziehen. Ihr mit Optimismus in jugendlichem Schwung und provinziellem Slang vorgetragener Erzkonservatismus und ihre Angstmacherei sprechen Wählergruppen an, die häufig selbst wenig lebensfroh, jung und elanvoll, aber umso erzkonservativer und ängstlicher in die Welt schauen und aus Gegenden sind, in denen man Sätze ganz wie die Gouverneurin aus Alaska mit “Gotcha” beginnt und “Betcha” beendet. Weiter zum Blog auf Deutsche Welle.
Nach Ansicht der meisten amerikanischen Kommentatoren hat sich der republikanische Präsidentschaftskandidat John McCain im letzten Fernsehduell mit seinem demokratischen Herausforderer Barack Obama besser geschlagen als in den beiden vorangegangen Debatten. Das lag mit Sicherheit auch daran, dass die beiden Kontrahenten bei diesem Gespräch an einem Pult Platz nehmen durften. In der zweiten Debatte war McCain während der Redezeit Obamas mehrfach im Hintergrund zu sehen gewesen, wie er scheinbar orientierungslos auf und abschritt. Wenige Tage später ließ die Comedy-Show Saturday Night Life daher ein McCain Double 45 Minuten lang immer und immer wieder ziellos durchs Bild schleifen – neben den Parodien auf McCains Vize Sarah Palin ein klares Highlight der bisherigen Wahlsatiren. Weiter zum Blog auf Deutsche Welle
In the interview section I addressed the following questions:
1. What are your priorities in your work at the Center for Clean Air Policy?
2. Do you expect significantly more transatlantic agreement on climate policy after the election of a new US president and Congress? What kind of common initiatives would you like to see?
3. What is the single greatest challenge facing the transatlantic alliance today?
Read the full feature here
CCAP WELCOMES NEW CLIMATE CHANGE POLICY LEADERSHIP
Press Releases
September 18, 2008 | FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
Washington, DC — The Center for Clean Air Policy (CCAP) announced today the addition of two new international climate change policy experts to its growing staff.
As a key part of CCAP’s senior management team, Alexander Ochs, director of international policy, will provide strategic guidance on international climate policy, including management of the European Dialogue on the Climate and Energy Challenge. The European Dialogue is a multi-stakeholder dialogue that develops medium- to long-term climate change, energy and finance policy for the European Union. Ochs will also help lead CCAP’s involvement in the United Nations international climate change negotiations and contribute to the design of the Future Actions Dialogue on International Actions to Address Climate Change. The Future Actions Dialogue is CCAP’s forum of more than 30 countries that combines in-depth analysis and development of climate policy options for consideration in the post-2012 Kyoto Protocol negotiations.
CCAP President Ned Helme said he is delighted to welcome Ochs on board, especially with the UN climate talks in Poznan, Poland only a few months away. “Alexander’s extensive experience within the international climate change policy arena makes him an asset to the organization,” Helme said. “His contribution will be of great value as we move toward Poznan and Copenhagen next year.”
Ochs joins CCAP from the Forum for Atlantic Climate and Energy Talks — where he was a founder — and as a senior fellow at the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies at Johns Hopkins University. From 2001 to 2007, he served as a senior research associate at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs where he advised key decision-makers from across Europe. While there, Alexander co-founded and later directed the International Network to Advance Climate Talks.
Ochs has held research and lecturer positions at Princeton University, City University of New York and Munich University, as well as both Freie and Humboldt Universities in Berlin, Germany. He has been a member of the German Delegation to the United Nations climate negotiations and various advisory committees on both sides of the Atlantic.
“CCAP’s vital insights and dialogues provide innovative, cost-effective solutions to the world’s climate change impacts,”Ochs said. “I look forward to developing and implementing an international climate change policy strategy that advances CCAP’s mission.”
Ellina Levina, director of the international climate dialogue, will manage the Future Actions Dialogue from CCAP’s office in Paris, France.
“CCAP looks forward to Ellina’s insight as the world moves toward establishing a post-2012 international climate change agreement,” Helme said. “Her leadership, knowledge and experience couldn’t come at a better time.”
Levina joins CCAP with 15 years of international experience in climate change policy analysis and development, focusing on technical issues related to climate change negotiations. She has extensive experience in institutional and economic analysis, as well as in facilitating stakeholder dialogues and providing institutional capacity building assistance.
Levina has served at various international organizations, including the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the World Bank, the United Nations Development Programme and the United Nations Institute for Training and Research. Additionally, while she was at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development and the International Energy Agency from 2005 to 2008, she contributed to the UNFCCC negotiations. As a former CCAP employee from 1996 to 2002, Ellina assisted individual governments of Eastern Europe in developing their national climate change policies.
“I am excited to return to CCAP,” Levina said. “I am anxious to use my experience with the UN negotiations to lead the Future Actions Dialogue participants in crafting climate policy developments for the next international climate treaty.”
So sehr die beiden Präsidentschaftskandidaten in den kommenden Monaten um die Wähler der Mitte kämpfen werden – die politischen Kernaussagen ihrer Nominierungsreden unterschieden sich doch deutlich. In beiden Fällen hat dies primär damit zu tun, dass es den Kandidaten bei den Parteitagen in erster Linie darum ging, zunächst die eigenen Reihen zu schließen… Mein Blog für Deutsche Welle
In: Carbon & Climate Law Review 2/2008, pp. 219-21
You have worked on transatlantic climate relations for several years, both as a researcher and as a policy adviser. In a report written in 2006, you suggested that there is “little that cannot be done if Americans and Europeans agree – but very little that can be done if they do not”, expressing concern that climate change might become an issue dividing the transatlantic partners further apart. Has this assessment changed since you first wrote this, and if so, in what ways?
The first quote is actually an assessment made by Jessica Tuchman Mathews, President of the Carnegie Endowment, concerning global issues in general. Certainly, climate change has gained infamous prominence over the course of the last two decades as a topic dividing the two traditional partners Europe and the United States. It often heads lists of transatlantic disagreements. Transatlantic dispute over climate change well precedes the current U.S. administration. Ever since the topic of climate change has appeared on the international agenda, the United States has been made responsible for the slow progress in the negotiation of an international climate regime. But the dispute escalated when the Bush ‘43 government unilaterally declared the Kyoto protocol “dead”. Subsequently, Bush also broke his 2000 presidential campaign pledge to set mandatory reduction targets for CO2 emissions from… Read the whole interview here: C&CLR.Interview.pdf
Die amerikanischen Bundesstaaten schreiten in der Klimapolitik voran und werden so zum Wegbereiter einer neuen U.S.-Regierung.
Es war der erste Schritt der neuen Regierung von internationaler Bedeutung: Kurz nach seiner Amtseinführung 2001 ließ Präsident George W. Bush seine Sicherheitsberaterin Condoleezza Rice das Kyoto-Protokoll wortwörtlich für „tot“ erklären. Unilateral, ohne jede Unterredung mit den Führern anderer Staaten, revidierte er damit die Position seines Vorgängers Bill Clinton. Auch von seinem Wahlversprechen, verbindliche Höchstmengen für den Kohlendioxidausstoß von Kraftwerken festzulegen, wollte der neue Mann im Oval Office nun nichts mehr wissen. Seitdem wartet die Weltgemeinschaft vergebens auf die Demonstration amerikanischer Führungsstärke in der Klimapolitik. Anfangs erhob Bush gar Zweifel an den wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen zum Klimawandel. Dann stellte er ein nationales Klimaprogramm vor, deren groß angekündigte Ziele bei näherem Hinsehen wenig mehr als business as usual entsprachen. Auf internationaler Ebene glänzte Bush ebenfalls mit vollmundiger Rhetorik, muss sich aber vor allem für eines verantworten: sein weitgehendes Nichtstun. HEINRICH BÖLL STIFTUNG
